Building and deconstructing the local dimension

In modern thinking, that which has emerged since Alexandre de Humboldt and Carl Ritter, reflection on the local plane cannot be dissociated from that which deals with the earth's surface as a whole.

Both developed under the same practical and theoretical conditions: the increase in the number of voyages of scientific exploration, increasingly extensive and rigorous comparisons, the idea of a Nature under the aegis of which diversity appears both differentiated and unitary. Geographers will emphasize the need to acquire this overall vision, so that the aspects which characterize a particular area of the planet are seen neither as singular nor as anomalies, but as variations of a general pattern. Knowledge of the Whole thus conditions knowledge of the particular and gives the locality its double dimension: a manifestation of the regularity of the action of the forces of nature and a particular intersection of characters which define a remarkable geographical individuality.

The expression of this individuality was first manifested in the form of a physiognomy - a landscape - in which the plant element predominates. It has proved to be the most sensitive to the multiple influences exerted by a given environment and, as such, the most capable of revealing those interactions whose outcome is each naturally constituted geographical region. In contrast to the animal kingdom, the plant kingdom also showed the face of this individuality with a certain stability.

Very quickly, however, the human factor imposed itself as a constitutive element in the process of individualization, alongside two other components: on the one hand, those areas of physical articulation capable of concentrating various aptitudes within a restricted perimeter, and on the other, the neighborhoods and circulation routes generating ^{complementary} economic activities1. This has been done in such a way that the local has never been seen in isolation from the relations of confrontation and exchange that determine and reinforce its singular appearance. And, for a long time, everything seems to have taken place as if the 'general way of life', i.e. the currents of long-distance exchanges that have always flowed through the land, had contributed of their own accord to the emergence of such particularities. And the most perfect and gifted geographical forms are precisely those in which these two ways of relating to the ^expanse are combined2.

In a few decades, the development of fast, long-range means of transportation would upset these "happy" games of complementarities, and so, in 1979, Paul Claval, prefacing a new edition of the Tableau de la geographie de la France (1903), could only note the end of a world: "In three quarters of a century, local living has completely disappeared from almost all the regions of France, and general living has conquered everything..."^3.

Steam steamships and railroads, the correlative expansion of an industrial economy, triggered a transformation whose consequences for local living were quickly signaled. These were linked to the attenuation of the distinctive particularities which gave each region, each county, however small, its most characteristic features - from clothing and costume to the appearance of buildings - but also the whole range of agricultural and craft complexities which would become less and less common over time as the variety of objects thus produced would no longer be necessary to satisfy the needs and aspirations of a community with no other way out. To this, Ritter would add the idea of the "perfect harmony" between man and nature being torn asunder, and the strange "torpor" to which this tearing leads without fail.

Faced with a change with enormous consequences, which was shifting the very foundations of human groupings on earth, geographers have long been concerned to identify and explain the ways in which the general way of life has ^developed4. First they were interested in the primitive forms of exchange networks - the first great routes of communication, the expansion of the maritime domain - and then they investigated the systems that were developing before their very eyes, with their whole suite of massive and global impacts.

Strangely enough, the moment when Vidal de La Blache was able to restore a positivity to the shaken face of the place that had eluded many was the moment when he recognized the archaic character of any community that remained outside the mainstream, and from that moment on saw its condition as a symptom of sclerosis, if we look at it through the prism of contacts and exchanges that were setting themselves up as new norms of development and progress, or even as a "challenge" or "crime" in terms of industries always ready to create new ways of achieving. While isolation would from then on be perceived as an anomaly, he saw very clearly that it could not be reduced to a mere obstacle to communication and exchange. The obstacle of distance and transportation difficulties had its positive side. It is the one that has "overwhelmed the power and diversity of inventions of which man is capable"^5. The lack or scarcity of communications has in fact, on countless occasions, translated into a formidable spur to creation. A creation all the more original because it could count on nothing but the limited resources of a here. And this is how the face of the place was thus carried, precisely by the ingenuity developed to reconcile the scarcity of resources with the great variety of uses, to the highest heights of its expression.

1 "France exhibits two types of early elements: one relates to climate and the diversity of soil resources. This is the element that has led to the flourishing of so many small local societies... The other type of precocious element is the facilities in terms of establishment, movement or protection offered to all the factors catalyzing the general living", P. Vidal de La Blache, Tableau de la géographie de la France, Taillandier, 1979, p. 53.

2 "The most gifted of them (the peoples), those who, rising above the narrow reality of the limited universe which had been given them to understand, succeeded in gaining access to the benefits of civilization, eventually acquired characters and historical figures more beautiful and better defined than the individuals and states of modern times", Carl Ritter, Introduction à la géographie générale comparée, Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 1974, p. 148-149.

3 P. Vidal de La Blache, ibid, p. XX.

4 "There is no more important question for political geography than that of finding out how, when and by what means the general living manages to creep over the diversity of local lands", Vidal de La Blache, op. cit. prec., p.17.

5 Vidal De La Blache, Principes de géographie humaine, A. Colin, 1922, p.131.

In modern geographic thinking, which began with Alexandre de Humboldt and Carl Ritter, thinking about the local is inseparable from thinking about the earth's surface as a whole.

Both developed under the influence of the same practical and theoretical conditions: the multiplication of voyages of scientific exploration, ever more extensive and rigorous comparisons, the idea of a Nature under whose aegis the diverse is both distinguished and unified. Geographers will insist on the necessity of acquiring this vision of the whole, so that the aspects which characterize a particular part of the earth are not examined as absolute singularities or anomalies, but as variations of a general type. Knowledge of the Whole has thus conditioned knowledge of the part and has given the local its twofold dimension: a manifestation of the regularity of action of natural powers and a special conjunction of characteristics which define a remarkable geographical individuality.

The expression of this individuality first took the form of a physiognomy - a landscape - dominated by vegetation. It was the most sensitive to the multiple influences exerted by an environment, and therefore the most revealing of the interactions of which each geographical region, constituted on natural bases, is the result. Unlike the animal kingdom, it also exhibited with sufficient stability the figure of this individuality.

Very soon, however, the human factor became a part of the individuation process. With, on the one hand, fields of physical articulations capable of concentrating varied abilities within a limited perimeter, and, on the other, neighborhoods and traffic routes generating ^{complementary} economies1. And for a long time it even seemed as if "general life", i.e. the long-distance trade flows that have always criss-crossed countries, had naturally contributed to the emergence of such singularities. The most complete and richest geographical figures were precisely those in which these two relationships to the vastness of the territory were ^combined2.

In just a few decades, the development of rapid, long-range transportation was to disrupt these "happy" complementary relationships, and in 1979, Paul Claval, prefacing a reprint of Tableau de la géographie de la France (1903), could only observe the end of a world: "In three quarters of a century, local life has completely disappeared from almost all French regions, and general life has invaded everything..."^3.

Steam navigation and the railroads, and the correlative expansion of an industrial economy, initiated a transformation whose consequences for local life were very quickly recognized. They concerned the reduction of the singularities which had given to each region, to each small country, its most characteristic features - from clothing and customs to buildings - but also the agricultural and craft complexities which would become less and less important as the variety of production was no longer required to satisfy the needs and aspirations of a community without other recourse. To this Ritter would add the idea of a break in the "perfect harmony" that united man and nature, and the strange "languor" that was bound to result.

For a long time, geographers, faced with a change of immense consequences, which was shifting the very basis of the life of human groups on earth, were preoccupied with identifying and explaining the ways in which life in general ^developed4. First by looking at the primitive forms of exchange networks - the first major roads, the extension of the maritime domain - and then by examining the systems they saw developing before their eyes, with their massive and global impacts.

Strangely enough, it was when he recognized the archaic nature of any community that remained outside the mainstream of general life, and henceforth saw this state as a symptom of sclerosis, in view of the contacts and exchanges that were set up as new standards of development and progress, and even as a "challenge" or even an "offence" from the point of view of industries in a hurry to open up ever more outlets, that Vidal de La Blache was also able to restore to the shaken figure of place a positivity that had escaped many. While isolation is now seen as an anomaly, he perceives very clearly that this isolation has never been reducible to any impediment to communication and exchange. The obstacle of distance and the difficulty of transportation also had its positive side. It is this obstacle that has brought out "the power and variety of inventions of which man is capable"^5. The lack or scarcity of communications was in fact in many cases a tremendous stimulus to creation, a creation all the more original because it could rely on nothing but the limited resources of a place. And it is in the ingenuity developed to bend these limited resources to a wide variety of uses that the figure of place has been brought to its highest expression.

1 "France has two kinds of precocity: one which is due to the climate and the variety of soil resources. The other kind of precocity is due to the ease of settlement, circulation, defense, everything that hastened general life", P. Vidal de La Blache, Tableau de la géographie de la France, Taillandier, 1979, p. 53.

2 "The most gifted of them (the peoples), those who, rising above the narrow reality of the limited universe they were given to apprehend, succeeded in gaining access to the benefits of civilization, have finally acquired characters and historical figures more beautiful and more distinguished than the individuals and States of modern times", Carl Ritter, Introduction à la géographie générale comparée, Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 1974, pp. 148-149.

3 P. Vidal de La Blache, ibid, p. XX.

4 "There is scarcely a more important question for political geography than to seek how, when and by what means a general life manages to find its way through the diversity of local countries", Vidal de La Blache, op. cit. prec., p.17.

5 Vidal De La Blache, Principes de géographie humaine, A. Colin, 1922, p.131.