Pruitt Igoe Now - Natural Reclaim

BACK

The Pruitt Igoe Neighborhood was created under the United States Housing Act of 1949, which directly made funds available to cities for urban development, the creation of public housing and slum clearance. The decision to create this neighborhood was based on the trend, common throughout the United States, of predominantly white populations migrating to the suburbs and filling the remaining abandoned land in slums with black residents. Since for future land values these slums were dangerously close to the downtown business district, a housing strategy was developed to attract middle-income citizens back to the city while at the same time ensuring a sufficient supply of low-income housing to stop the expansion of slums. The decision was both a political one, to win low-income votes, and an economic one - St. Louis being an independent city did not collect taxes from suburbs outside its administrative territory. The complex was designed by architect Minoru ^Yamasaki2. The original project envisaged buildings of different heights and housing typologies, but in the face of strict economy, the Federal Bureau of Public Housing Administration imposed a solution of 33 blade-type blocks. The project was completed in 1954, but suffered drastic budget cuts, which materialized in poor quality finishes and the abandonment of adjacent functions and public space.

After only a few years, the entire white population for which the Igoe neighborhood was created left the area. The predominant population ended up being one of the most disadvantaged segments of society, single black mothers whose only source of income to support their children was welfare funds. Poor maintenance, vandalism and high crime rates subjugated the neighborhood. Recreation arcades and skip-stop elevators that stopped only every third floor, once hailed as architectural innovations, became dangerous. In 1965, James Bailey published an article in Architectural Forum 's "The Case History of a Failure"³ that retracted all the praise for the project in the same journal in ¹⁹⁵¹⁴, stating that many of the previously praised features were sources of danger rather than improvements to the quality of life for the neighborhood's citizens.

The large number of vacancies was an indicator of the preference, even of the poor, to live elsewhere. In 1972, after more than 5 million dollars had been spent in vain to empower the neighborhood, it was decided to demolish three of the blocks in a highly publicized frame. By 1977 the last block was demolished and the land - cleared. After its demolition, theorists and critics began to construct the Pruitt Igoe myth which had as its central idea the responsibility of architecture for the failure of the Pruitt Igoe ^{neighborhood5}, summarized by Charles Jencks, in his announcement of the destruction of the last tower, as a symbol of the death of Modern Architecture. The design flaws and poor finish, largely due to budget cuts, were not, however, the cause of the program's failure, as Lee Rainwater argues in his book Behind Getto ^Walls6, the result of a 1960s survey of the neighborhood. The author argues that violence, vandalism and poor maintenance were to be expected given the poor and racially discriminated neighborhood. In his view, architecture was neither the cause nor the solution to these problems, and improving housing conditions without efforts to raise educational and income levels was ineffective in changing the behavior of the poor.

Since the residents never returned, 23 acres remained abandoned until 1989, when the St. Louis Public Schools administration occupied 5.6 acres with a new school. The rest of the land remained uncultivated, a dense urban forest of native species, bordered by high barbed-wire fences meant to discourage curious onlookers. Pruitt Igoe unfairly remained a symbol of failed public planning policy.

3. James Bailey, The Case History of a Failure, in Architectural Forum, 1965.

4. James Bailey, Slum Surgery in St. Louis, in Architectural Forum No. 94, 1951, pp. 128-136.

5. Katharine G. Bristol, The Pruitt Igoe Myth, in American Architectural History, University of California, Berkeley, 1991, pp. 163-171.

6. Lee Rainwater, Behind Getto Walls, Black Families in a Fedetal Slum, Chicago, Aldine Publishing, 1970, p. 9, p. 403.

BACKGROUND

The Pruitt Igoe district was created on the basis of the United States Housing Act in 1949, which directly provided to cities funds for urban development, creation of urban housing and demolition of slums. The decision to create such district relied on the trend, then common on the entire territory of the United States of America, of migration of the predominantly white population towards the suburbs, and the occupation of the abandoned plots in the slums areas by black inhabitants. Since these slums were dangerously close, in terms of the future value of the land, to the business hubs in the city centers, a strategy of housing construction was developed, to attract the citizens with an average income back in the city and concurrently to ensure sufficient dwellings for those with a low income, in order to stop the expansion of the slums. The decision was both political, aiming to win the votes of the low-income population, and economic, St. Louis being an independent city which did not collect taxes from the suburbs located outside its administrative territory. The complex was designed by architect Minoru ^Yamasaki2. The original project provided buildings of various elevations and habitation typologies but, given a strict economy, the Federal Public Housing Authority imposed a solution containing 33 blade-like apartment blocks. The project was finalized in 1954, but suffered severe budget cuts which materialized in poor finishing and the abandonment to set up any adjacent functions and to arrange the public space.

After only several several years, the entire white population for which the Igoe district had been created left the area. The prevailing population came to consist of the most disfavored social category, single black mothers who maintained their children exclusively out of social care funds. Bad maintenance, vandalism and the high rate of crime overwhelmed the district. The recreation galleries and the skip-stop elevators, which only stopped at every third floor, not long before claimed to have represented architectural innovations, became quite dangerous. In 1965, James Bailey published in Architectural Forum the article entitled "The Case History of a Failure"³, which took back all the praise ever given to the project in the same magazine, in ¹⁹⁵¹⁴, stating that many of the elements previously appreciated are rather sources of danger and not improvements in the quality of life of the district's citizens.

The high number of vacancies clearly pointed out the general preference, including of the poorer people, to live anywhere else. In 1972, after more than 5 million dollars had been spent to rehabilitate the district, the demolition of three of the apartment blocks was resolved upon, in a highly publicized operation. By 1977 the last apartment block had been demolished, and the land had been cleaned. After its demolition, the theorists and critics began to build the Pruitt Igoe myth, placing at its core the responsibility of architecture for the failure of the Pruitt ^Igoe5 district, seen by Charles Jencks, in the announcement concerning the demolition of the last tower, as a symbol of the death of Modern Architecture. However, it was not the design flaws and the poor finishing, largely caused by the budget cuts, that led to the failure of such program, as it is also shown by Lee Rainwater in his book Behind Getto ^Walls6, the result of a study carried out in that district in the 60s. According to the author, violence, vandalism and bad maintenance were to be expected given the poverty and racial discrimination affecting the district. In his opinion, architecture was neither the cause, nor the solution to these problems, as improvement in habitation conditions without efforts to improve education and income has no efficiency in changing the behavior of the poor.

Since the tenants never returned, 23 hectares of land remained abandoned until 1989, when the public school administration of St. Louis occupied 5.6 ha with a new school. The rest of the land remained vacant, a dense urban forest of native species, marked by high barbed wire fences meant to discourage the curious. Pruitt Igoe unfairly stands as a symbol of the failure of public planning policy.

3. James Bailey, The Case History of a Failure, in Architectural Forum, 1965.

4. James Bailey, Slum Surgery in St. Louis, in Architectural Forum no. 94, 1951, p. 128-136.

5. Katharine G. Bristol, The Pruitt Igoe Myth, in American Architectural History, University of California, Berkeley, 1991, p. 163-171.

6. Lee Rainwater, Behind Getto Walls, Black Families in a Fedetal Slum, Chicago, Aldine Publishing, 1970, p. 9, p. 403.